You are currently browsing the Armchair Economist weblog archives for July, 2007.
- General post (802)
- April 3, 2008: Armchair Economist gets a much-needed update
- April 3, 2008: Ghost of Herbert Hoover
- April 3, 2008: Are you smarter than a high-schooler?
- April 3, 2008: Katrina hero: Wal-Mart
- April 2, 2008: No Child Left Behind
- April 2, 2008: The poverty hype
- April 2, 2008: Oil profits
- April 2, 2008: Don's response
- April 2, 2008: Oil refinements
- April 1, 2008: My profile
Archive for July 2007
Who are the tax hikers?
July 31, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
A WSJ piece today lists those in government that seek to raise taxes. From conversations with others, I find many individuals consider tax increases as generally good (as long as it’s not a direct tax on them, of course).
Why do some many people consider an increase in government revenues a good? After all, every additional dollar a government collects is, generally, one less dollar for its people. Increasing the state’s coffers only subtracts from the purse of the people. Many individuals often support this increase in the state’s funds because they expect those dollars confiscated from others to end up in their pockets, in part.
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Higher Taxes
July 30, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Get ready for a tax increase.
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Taxation of carried interest
July 30, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Phil Kerpen, writing today in the WSJ (subscription required), on soaking the rich. The opinion page also offers this on the Fairness Doctrine.
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Fairness Doctrine
July 29, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Here’s a short article on the perils of the Fairness Doctrine.
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Government-Run Medical Care
July 29, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Don Boudreaux questions why some people believe the state would be an efficient provider of health care.
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Income Inequality Basics
July 28, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Some basics on income inequality. Thomas Sowell wrote much the same thing in his Basic Economics book.
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Subsidizing healthcare for all
July 28, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Read this short article for more on SCHIP. It begins:
Among other proposals, the Senate is eying two plans to provide health coverage to those currently lacking insurance. Plan 1 would extend coverage to around 4 million Americans for billions of dollars. Plan 2 would extend coverage to 24 million for no more than we’re spending now. Guess which approach Senate leaders are pushing?
If you picked Plan 1, congratulations! You know that Washington almost always favors the least effective and costliest option available.
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Socialized Medicine
July 27, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
A doctor explains why socialized medicine in not the cure for the U.S. healthcare system.
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Holy Schip
July 27, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
The dems have found a backdoor to universal health care (subscription required).
Notable:
The State Children’s Health Insurance Program (Schip) was originally a Republican program to provide health insurance to children in near-poor families who did not qualify for Medicaid. Democrats now want to expand Schip to children of the middle class.
On the surface, congressional Democrats appear to be rescuing children from the scourge of uninsurance. The reality is quite different. If they get their way, millions of children will have less access to health care than they do today, and the same will surprisingly be true for many low-income seniors.
Studies by MIT economist Jonathan Gruber show that public insurance substitutes for private insurance and the crowd-out rate is high. In general, for every extra dollar spent on Medicaid, private insurance contracts by 50 cents to 75 cents. For Schip, depending on how it is implemented, private insurance could contract by about 60 cents.
These findings make sense. Why pay for something if the government offers it for free? Under congressional proposals to expand Schip, the crowd out would likely be much worse. The reason: Almost all the newly eligible beneficiaries already have insurance.
The Senate bill would expand the eligibility for coverage under Schip to families with incomes 300% above the federal poverty level ($62,000), from its present ceiling, 200% above the poverty level. House Democrats want to push coverage to 400% ($83,000 annual income).
Yet almost eight of every 10 children whose parents earn from 200%-300% more than the poverty level already have private health-care coverage, according to the Congressional Budget office (CBO). At incomes between 300% and 400% more than poverty, nine of every 10 children are already insured.
What about the eight to nine million children currently uninsured? Nearly 75% of them are already eligible for Medicaid or Schip, according to the CBO. So the main result of the Democrats’ proposal to expand Schip will be to shift middle-class children from private to public plans.
Why is that bad? One reason is that most Schip programs pay doctors at Medicaid rates — rates so low that Medicaid patients are having increasing difficulty getting access to health care. Anecdotal evidence suggests that U.S. Medicaid patients already must wait as long for specialist care and hospital surgery as in Canada.
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Greenspan concurs
July 26, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Greenspan concurs with Paulson:
Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson earlier opened the event, saying, “Our current business tax system is clearly not optimal.” Paulson called for a comprehensive review of the way U.S. business is taxed, arguing the current system distorts the economy and harms business growth. “It is time for a comprehensive look at our system for taxing business,” he said. Paulson echoed comments he made in a recent Journal op-ed.
However, Paulson’s push for streamlining the corporate tax code is out of synch with Democrats in Congress. Democrats in the Senate and the House of Representatives, under new balanced budget rules, are pursuing a wide range of corporate tax hikes and revenue raising options, such as taxation of carried interest on hedge fund managers’ income. Tax reform isn’t on the tax committees’ agenda.
Greenspan stressed that lawmakers should act now to lower rates while the economy is good. “When all of a sudden the Baby Boomers retire … pressure is going to be for higher taxes, not lower taxes and to do anything that effects the corporate tax rate on the downside will run into political resistance.”
He said political opposition will occur even though economists widely agree that lower corporate tax rates can boost jobs by increasing productivity. “Regrettably, there is still a great deal of populism in this country,” he said.
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Tax Incidence
July 26, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Glenn Hubbard on who really bears the burden of uncompetitive corporate tax rates.
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Stossel report
July 25, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
John Stossel on why the world is getting better.
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The economics of prohibition
July 25, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Don Boudreaux, professor of econ at George Mason, has a theory on why the 21st Amendment was passed, overturning the 18th.
His conclusion:
So, if the history of alcohol prohibition is a guide, drug prohibition will not end merely because there are many sound, sensible and humane reasons to end it. Instead, it will end only if and when Congress gets desperate for another revenue source.
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Union Favors
July 25, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Special interests before efficiency (subscription required).
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Right to choose
July 24, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Why does the left insist that the right to choose a child’s school only be available to the affluent?
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Globalization
July 24, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Investor’s Business Daily on the virtues of globalization.
Notable:
And “in response to fears of globalization and rising inequality,” wrote Financial Times reporter Chris Giles, “the public in all the rich countries surveyed . . . want their governments to increase taxation on those with the highest incomes.”
That is, people want to tax the rich — an age-old urge — believing it will somehow help feed the poor. Unfortunately for those who believe this, it doesn’t work that way.
“Taxing the rich” might be satisfying on some level, given the general level of envy people have for those who are more successful. But carried out as a matter of national policy, such ideas will have disastrous consequences for the world economy, leading to less growth, less investment, fewer jobs and lower standards of living.
It’s a well-established fact that globalization — simply another word for free trade — has been, overall, a major boon, raising both incomes and standards of living worldwide. And that includes rich countries as well as poor ones.
Raising taxes might make some people feel better — after all, who doesn’t want to take all those newly minted billionaires down a peg or two — but it will do nothing .
Any nation that begins applying punitive tax rates to its rich will soon find that they are taking their money — and the investments and jobs that go with them — elsewhere.
Those who see the world “worse off” because of globalization must explain why, as global trade has surged over the last 30 years or so, the rate of poverty around the world has plunged.
As Surjit Bhalla, an economist affiliated with the Institute for International Economics, recently wrote: “World poverty fell from 44% of the global population in 1980 to 13% in 2000, its fastest decline in history. Global income inequality has dropped over this period and is at its lowest level since 1910.”
But what about workers in rich countries like the U.S. who worry about inequality? Will higher taxes correct their so-called inequities? Not at all. U.S. economic inequality has virtually nothing to do with globalization or free trade, per se. It has everything to do with education and skills.
A recent study for the National Bureau of Economic Research found that those with a bachelor’s degree can expect to earn $51,000 or so a year. Those with just a high school diploma earn $28,000.
So the “income gap” is really an education and skills gap. And it’s quantifiable: $23,000 a year, or nearly $1 million over a career spanning 40 years.
Taking more money from people who did the right thing — went to school or pursued more high-level training — isn’t the way to run an economy. That is, unless you want to run it into the ground.
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Buying Happiness
July 24, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Art Brooks asks what buys happiness in the City Journal. So, what does buy happiness? Is it income equality and security, as the typical leftist would suggest? No, says Art Brooks. People care more about opportunity and income mobility.
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U.S. Healthcare System
July 24, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Wisconsin offers a costly plan, and Allan Hubbard proposes A Tax Cure for Health Care.
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Mankiw on trade
July 23, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Mankiw asks two good questions.
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More on the left and inequality
July 23, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
The left cares little that the absolute standard of living in America is higher for most everyone than it was 10 years ago, 20 years ago, 50 years ago, etc. Greater absolute wealth for everyone means little to this group, because there are some people with more wealth than others, and they won’t be happy until everyone’s equal. Read this WSJ opinion on justice and inequality.
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Farm Subsidies
July 21, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
If it moves, tax it; if it keeps moving, regulate it; and if it stops moving, subsidize it.
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Minimum Wage Increase
July 21, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
No problems foreseen with the impending increase in the minimum wage.
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Peak Oil
July 20, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
I found this from my neighbor, Glenn Reynolds (instapundit). It’s a quick read.
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Typical college professor
July 20, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
For a glimpse inside the mind of the typical college professor, read this. Notice that the professor is very careful with his data selection. What I found more interesting was this statement:
Working people value “economic security” over “economic opportunity…
Really? People prefer socialism or the welfare state to economic opportunity? He says 69% of the people prefer security to 26% for opportunity. He, of course, does not give his source. I find it an notable statement because it contradicts most of the evidence I’ve seen. For another view, read this.
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Refusing to pay
July 20, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
I like these tax evaders. The government is trying to imprison them for refusing to pay their taxes, but they are unwilling to surrender to officials. I’m sure that if they resist, they will pay with their lives.
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The Left and Inequality
July 19, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Those with a subscription should read this opinion in the WSJ. For those with no subscription, here are some highlights:
In one such study, two-thirds of subjects said that they would be happier at a company where they earned $33,000 while their colleagues earned $30,000 than at one where they earned $35,000 while their colleagues earned $38,000. In another experiment, 56% of participants chose a hypothetical job paying $50,000 per year while everyone else earned $25,000, rather than a job paying $100,000 per year while others made $200,000. Thus, the thinking goes, the very fact that some people have less than others leads to unhappiness, even without deprivation.
But the egalitarians misinterpret the experimental evidence. The studies cited above don’t necessarily tell us that people would be happier in a world of total equality. Rather, they indicate that if there is no apparent prospect for getting ahead themselves (as there indeed was not in the experiment), people will focus instead on having more than others — even to the point of neglecting their financial interests.
Perhaps in a world where there is no opportunity for advancement, an important concern is how one’s income measures up to others. In the real world where people believe there is opportunity, however, one’s own income potential matters a great deal more than what others are earning. Some studies even find that the happiness of workers rises as the incomes of others climb relative to their own, because they see the incomes of others as evidence of what they themselves can achieve.
Those who don’t rise will probably not become happier if we redistribute more income. Indeed, the effect may be just the opposite. Redistributionist policies tend to reduce incentives to create wealth, which means less economic growth and fewer jobs, and less charitable giving — all to the detriment of those lower on the income scale. But more important, redistribution can, as the American welfare system has shown, turn beneficiaries into demoralized long-term dependents.
To focus our policies on opportunity, instead of equality, will address Americans’ real concern, and make us happier to boot.
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Treasury Secretary on corporate taxes
July 19, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Henry Paulson writes about lowering corporate tax rates today in the WSJ (subscription required).
Paulson contends, like many economists, that a more competitive corporate tax rate would spark additional capital investment in the U.S. and generate economic growth. He makes his point well. For example:
With the 2003 Job Growth and Tax Relief Act, President Bush and Congress reduced the double taxation of dividends and gave small businesses incentives to grow and hire. The 2003 act spurred capital creation that combined with a robust global economy and contributed to the creation of eight million new jobs and low unemployment rate. Economic growth has boosted real wages. Over the past year the average production worker has seen his annual wages rise $424 above inflation.
Tax systems have one fundamental purpose — to raise revenue — and the best systems minimize the drag on the economy. Therefore, we should ask: For a given level of revenue, what business tax regime best promotes U.S. economic growth and creates jobs? At a time when markets change rapidly, requiring businesses to be ever more flexible and swift, they are burdened with a business tax code complicated by parochial political interests. Government should not pick economic winners or losers; the marketplace has proven itself more than able for that task.
Business tax policy levers, such as the corporate tax rate, depreciation rates and investor taxes, as well as the taxes levied on small businesses through the individual income tax, should strive towards a similar purpose: to encourage economic growth by reducing the tax burden on additional investments. Yet, the current tax code distorts capital flows, hurting productivity, job creation and our global competitiveness.
Take just a few examples. Taxes on capital income raise the price of future consumption and discourage saving and capital formation. Reduced capital formation gives labor less capital to work with and lowers labor productivity, reducing real wages and income.
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Entitlement Epidemic
July 19, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Jeffrey Zaslow wrote another article in the WSJ today on the entitlement problem in the U.S. He wrote “Blame it on Mr. Rogers” around one month ago, and it was widely popular and generated thousands of responses. Today, Mr. Zaslow asks who’s really to blame for the problem.
As an educator, I am very interested in this subject. I have witnessed this problem in my own classroom. Students are very self-absorbed, but, worse, they feel entitled to whatever they desire, regardless of merit. I have had students demand higher grades. These same students will have their parents call to make the case for them, which, by the way, is parent behavior that reinforces the entitlement complex. I have often offered extra credit for students asking for higher grades. Most become very upset with my offer. Most refuse the extra work and storm out. Why? They think they are entitled to the higher grade, and they actually feel insulted when someone asks them to “earn” it.
Finally, I have found in my personal experience that the most capable young people exhibit the least sense of entitlement, while the least capable display the most. If this is true in general, I’d like to know why. I have my own ideas, but no science to back it up.
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More debating M. Moore
July 18, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
John Stossel writes today more about his debate with M. Moore.
Notice that Moore lists Social Security as one of our governments greatest achievements. That’s absurd! If the Social Security program was devised and run by private enterprise, Moore would make a movie about it. Imagine an insurance company offering an annuity that paid an average real return of approximately 1%, had an unfunded liability in the trillions of dollars, was insolvent in its present structure, and was subject to change at any time (worst of all, it’s compelled, otherwise far fewer would participate). Moore would criticize any private organization offering a financial investment such as this, but since it’s a government program, he lists it as a great success.
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FDA strikes again
July 18, 2007 by Tom Armstrong.
Short post at marginal revolution blog on the compassion at the FDA.
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